Here’s the context in which queer artists live in Russia: In 2013, a federal law “banning propaganda of non-traditional sexual relations among minors” was passed, which allowed for random fines and cases against activists, artists, and ordinary citizens. Its most unpleasant effect was an escalation of discriminatory rhetoric from officials, as well as an increase in the level of rejection of LGBTQ+ people, which naturally led to an increase in violence. In 2020, Russia amended its constitution; initially, it was supposed to include a definition of “marriage as the union of a man and a woman” in the country’s main law, but the authors were shy and added wording about the need to “protect the institution of marriage as the union of a man and a woman.” Legally this does not change anything, but the whole discussion around this phrase only strengthened the hegemony of so-called “traditional values,” which automatically implies even greater discrimination against alternative sexualities and gender identities. At the same time, in the Chechen Republic, which is legally part of Russia, security forces simply kill and torture men suspected of being homosexual.
The majority of the fines and arrests via homophobic actions by security forces were imposed on political and social activists, but artists also suffered. Most recently, the criminal case against the queer artist and director Yulia Tsvetkova—who, in the town of Kosmolsk-on-Amur, a long way from Moscow, runs the teenage activist theatre company Merak, which produces plays on social themes—has been pending for two years. The claims against Tsvetkova began with a play, Pink and Blue, in which children discuss gender stereotypes in society, and continued because of her feminist blog and completely innocuous body-positive drawings about the features of the female body. For these, Tsvetkova was prosecuted for distribution of pornography.
That case still hasn’t come to an end, both because of the wave of support for Tsvetkova and because it is insane in and of itself, but the judicial system in Russia simply does not know how to back down (in 2019, there was less than 1 percent of acquittals). Tsvetkova has already been fined and faces up to six years in prison on the charges; she recently went on a hunger strike. Other high-profile trials against queer artists in Russia in recent years are hard to recall, and there is a simple explanation for this: queer art as an open and vibrant movement in Russia simply does not exist.
Queer art as an open and vibrant movement in Russia simply does not exist.
Management in Russian Theatres
There are about 650 theatres in Russia that run entirely on money from the state and municipal budgets (i.e. under the supervision of the Ministry of Culture). Another hundred or so are non-state theatres with their main source of income regular subsidies from the state. The same is true of the rare museums and galleries that are able to commission work from theatrical or performance artists. We live in a situation where the vertical of power is a source of homophobic politics, and at the same time it determines not just the survival of the vast majority of theatres, but the presence of specific individuals in leadership positions in those theatres.
The concept of turnover of power is as unusual for cultural institutions in Russia as it is for political ones, so any conditional theatre director is primarily interested in keeping his or her seat. Common sense tells any artistic director or intendant that if a work were to appear in his or her theatre not just to reflect on the LGBTQ+ position in Russia, but simply to demonstrate same-sex relationships or gender variation (although theatre directors in Russia do not understand much about trans issues or gender fluidity), the so-called “orthodox activists” and conservative civic organizations (read: drinking thugs on the payroll of local governments and law enforcement agencies) will be outraged, and then the theatre’s management will be removed in order to hush up the conflict and make sure it doesn’t happen again.
Somebody might ask: “Well, the management of Russian theatres are afraid of such a scenario because surely there have been precedents, right?” Not a single one. How is that?
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